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SUMMARY:The lure of the waterfront. Mapping economic inequality in Rotterd
 am from the sixteenth until the nineteenth century - Maarten F. Van Dijck
 \, Paul van de Laar
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Amsterdam:20240926T170000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Amsterdam:20240926T173000
DTSTAMP:20260911T192352Z
UID:pretalx-spathum24-ZXPEGP@pretalx.com
DESCRIPTION:At the end of the Middle Ages\, Rotterdam was a relatively mod
 est town. However\, with the separation of the Northern Netherlands and th
 e emergence of the Dutch Republic\, urban development along the Maas River
  experienced a significant upsurge. Rotterdam benefited from the blockade 
 of the Scheldt during the civil war in the Netherlands. As emerging Amster
 dam joined the northern capitalism scene later\, Rotterdam had the opportu
 nity to develop into an intriguing port city\, playing a significant role 
 in expanding the global commercial network of the Dutch Republic. In 1400
 \, Rotterdam housed a mere 2\,500 inhabitants\; by the early seventeenth c
 entury\, this figure had surged to 20\,000\, and by the late eighteenth ce
 ntury\, it exceeded 50\,000. This rapid growth inevitably resulted in stra
 ins on the housing market. This paper aims to chart this process using spa
 tial data\, comparing it with similar phenomena in other cities of the Net
 herlands\, such as Antwerp and Amsterdam\, where such developments have al
 ready been extensively studied using taxation data based on property renta
 l values\, available across various periods.\nWhile these sources have pre
 viously been utilized by other historians to delineate the spatial dimensi
 ons of inequality\, they also carry inherent limitations. It is commonly a
 ssumed that they provide a reasonably accurate reflection of the income le
 vels of property owners or tenants. However\, these sources tend to undere
 stimate the true extent of inequality within the urban landscape. This is 
 because poorer households are compelled to allocate a more substantial por
 tion of their income towards rental expenses compared to their wealthier c
 ounterparts. Poor families indeed required a minimum number of rooms\, whi
 le there was a limit on the percentage that extremely wealthy families cou
 ld spend on their accommodation in the city. Moreover\, the precision of s
 patial data presents a challenge. During the early modern period\, such da
 ta were only accessible at the street level\, with the number of streets d
 ocumented increasing over time. For instance\, while tax registers from 15
 53 list a mere 16 streets\, by 1665\, this figure had soared to 82\, and b
 y 1731\, there were records of 155 distinct streets. This escalation under
 scores the difficulty in accurately gauging urban spatial dynamics solely 
 through historical records.\nThe examination of social inequality in Rotte
 rdam during the early modern era holds significant interest for two primar
 y reasons. Firstly\, the remarkable growth of Rotterdam has been somewhat 
 overshadowed in the historiography of the Dutch Republic\, particularly in
  comparison to the well-documented developments in Amsterdam. Nonetheless
 \, Rotterdam would eventually evolve into one of the world's foremost port
 s. Thus\, this study seeks to address this scholarly gap. Secondly\, the s
 patial patterns observed in Rotterdam diverge from conventional narratives
 . On a micro level\, the Rotterdam pattern shows similarities with other c
 ities in the early modern period\, where the wealthy resided along the mai
 n roads\, while the poor settled in their vicinity in the smaller alleys. 
 However\, we also observe a pattern on a macro level. Contrary to prevaili
 ng assumptions\, affluent households in Rotterdam have been situated near 
 the waterfront since the sixteenth century. This challenges long-standing 
 notions of urban segregation patterns and warrants a reevaluation of exist
 ing frameworks.\nFor a considerable period\, historians have predominantly
  relied upon Sjoberg's model\, which posits a stratified urban structure w
 ith a small elite occupying central positions\, while the less affluent re
 side on the outskirts. This is referred to as a center-periphery model. Ho
 wever\, Lesger and van Leeuwen argue that Vance's model\, delineating the 
 transition to capitalist cities in the sixteenth century\, offers contradi
 ctory results. According to Vance\, capitalist dynamics drove spatial segr
 egation processes during the early modern period\, with property values pr
 imarily dictated by commercial desirability. This model provides a more ap
 t framework for interpreting Rotterdam's urban evolution. Interesting comm
 ercial locations in the harbour and along major streets had the highest va
 lues.\nComparative analyses with the results for other port cities\, such 
 as sixteenth-century Antwerp and seventeenth-century Amsterdam\, suggest t
 hat Rotterdam's urban dynamics may be less exceptional than previously ass
 umed. In these cities as well\, historical evidence suggests a similar phe
 nomenon\, with affluent households gravitating towards the old harbors. Th
 is was often considered in line with the models of Sjoberg and Vance\, but
  we might need to stress the importance of living in harbour districts dur
 ing the early modern period. This is remarkable because\, in the nineteent
 h century\, waterfront residences became less desirable\, prompting the el
 ite to seek housing away from the water's edge. However\, during the early
  modern period\, living by the water was considered a mark of privilege.\n
 In conclusion\, the study of Rotterdam's urban development during the earl
 y modern era offers valuable insights into broader historical trends and c
 hallenges conventional narratives of urban segregation. By employing spati
 al data and revisiting theoretical frameworks\, historians can achieve a m
 ore nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics shaping urban landscapes
  throughout history.
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URL:https://pretalx.com/spathum24/talk/ZXPEGP/
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